汉语言文字学
方言学与音韵学方言学与音韵学
    摘  要本文研究闽北方言和闽中方言的语音。共分八章，另加四个附录。第一章概述。第一节界定本文使用的闽北方言、闽中方言概念的内涵与外延，介绍其周边方言情况。第二节分专题综述闽北、闽中方言的研究现状：（1）与周边方言的关系及闽语的分区，围绕“吴闽方言关系说”和“古南方汉语说”两种学说介绍相关研究；（2）对中古全浊声母字闽方言今读情况的解释，包括四种方案：“原始闽语说”、“方言影响说”、“移民汇合说”和“历史层次说”，集中介绍各家研究古清声母今读浊音、“第九调”的观点；（3）古来母字今读s（或ʃ）声母的考察；（4）文白异读与历史层次研究；（5）文献材料的运用；（6）计量方法的运用；（7）研究报告、本字考证等其他研究。第三节介绍本文的研究目标、意义和方法。第二章声母。第一节考察中古全浊声母字闽方言今读情况。中古全浊声母字闽方言今读有清化送气、清化不送气和保留浊音三个不同的历史层次。通过分析古全浊声母中的塞音、塞擦音字在现代闽语的读音异同，结论认为这是闽语自身演变的多种语音层次叠置的结果。送气清化为最早层次，保留浊音为最晚层次。它与闽方言形成早期的移民、隋唐之间的通语影响有关。这还可以找到方言内部结构的两种证据：一是闽北方言的声母清浊、清化后送气不送气与声调分化存在着明显的对应；二是声母清浊和清化后送气不送气与文白异读也存在着明显的一致性。第二节中古非组和知组声母字的今读。（1）各点非组读如帮组的字数不一，非敷奉母和微母今读重唇的比例也存在差别，但两区方言保留“轻唇读重唇”古音特点的字数、比例与其他闽语大致相当。保留重唇读法的多为口语用字，但各地就口语用字的认定存在差别。闽北方言保留这一古音特点的字数比闽中方言多，体现其更保守些。（2）知组读如端组与非组读如帮组的情况相似。（3）由于永安方言存在读m的音节，从方言比较、古今比较的角度探讨了其声韵母的认定问题。第三节中古来母字的今读。闽北、闽中方言的来母字存在n、t、s等特殊读法。（1）“里～外鲤”等字今读t（或d）声母是以细音韵母为条件的一种特殊音变，与客赣方言的相关音变平行。松溪、武夷山、建阳等方言的洪音韵母是在其声母完成了l>t/d的音变后由细音转化而来的。（2）30个来母字在闽西北14点方言中，今读s（或ʃ）声母的分布参差，这种状况应是上古至今的漫长岁月打磨而成的，来母s声字多为阳调类，表明其音变经由浊音声母而来，过程为：r→z→s。第四节中古精庄知章组声母的今读。（1）通过较详细的统计分析，结果显示，闽语古精庄知章组声母的今读情况可以归纳为二分和三分两种类型，闽北方言属于二分型，即知组读同端组、庄章组读同精组；闽中方言属于三分型，即知组读同端组、庄组读同精组、章组独立。三分型比二分型更接近古音声母格局。同是知组读同端组，闽北是不论二三等都读同端组，而闽中读同端组的主要是知组三等字，后者受了客赣方言的影响。闽中方言比闽北等其他闽方言多了一套声母tʃ、tʃʰ、ʃ，来源于客赣方言和共同语的共同影响，闽中方言内部读tʃ、ts组声母字的多寡，与方言的声韵组合情况直接相关。（2）古心、生、书、邪、船、禅母今读塞擦音声母、古崇母今读擦音声母在两区方言中属于少数，它们更直观地表现为一种词汇现象，可能是方言的变异造成的。这种变异可能产生于上古后期，也可能产生于中古时期，有些则可能是受共同语影响而产生的相当晚近的变化。（3）建阳、武夷山等方言中，古透、彻母和定、澄母今读h，源于（*d>）tʰ>h的音变；古清、从母今读tʰ，源于（*dz>）tsʰ>tʰ的音变，古初、昌、心母和崇母经历了相似的演变。透母等的音变拉动了清母等的音变，形成链移。它的形成与赣方言的影响有关，但根源与赣方言、海南闽语的类似音变一样，都来自壮侗语的影响，是一种底层现象。部分滂並母字今读h，是（*b>）pʰ>h音变的结果，由tʰ>h音变类推而来。（4）建瓯方言部分禅母平声字今读送气源于官话方言的影响，但不能据此断定闽北方言的“阳平甲调送气层”属于官话方言。建瓯“日～头mi⁸”显示声母可能来自上古的*mj-。第五节中古见系声母的今读。见母在两区方言存在k→ɡ、k→ɦ→Ǿ、k→x/h三种演变或替换；疑母字今读l声母是疑母开始向泥母演化的反映；晓母字今读同溪母，是上古晓母*qh分化的结果；匣母字今读k、ɡ声母则反映了“匣母古归群母”的古音特点；影母字今读塞擦音声母，可以作为影母上古为*q-的佐证；云母字今读x、h声母，反映了“喻三归匣”的魏晋时期语音特点；以母字今读塞擦音、擦音声母，可以追溯到上古时期以母与邪母的谐声关系。第三章声调。从方言出发考察其声调的中古来源，从中古的平上去入四声出发审视其在方言的演变。并详细分析了方言中声母与声调间的相互制约关系。分析过程中计量方法的引入，能直观地显现声调演变的主流与支流、规律与例外。第四章韵母。第一节以果假遇效流等摄为例，列表比较中古各韵摄在方言的今读韵母情况，通过方言间的横向比较、与中古、上古音的纵向比较，判定其历史层次。第二节考察闽中方言的ɿ韵字。闽中方言的ɿ韵字在闽北方言依声组分读两类韵母。它们反映的都是一个文读层次的读音情况，其实质是精庄与章组声母合读ts、tsʰ、s，闽中方言韵母合一，闽北方言则仍保留韵母的区别，其他闽语也多属于后一种情况，可分为4大类12小类。知组声母字今读ts、tsʰ、s声母属于最新的文读层次。永安话“醋”字的读音来自客赣方言的移借，但闽中方言ɿ韵的主要影响源是共同语，客赣方言是诱因。第三节总结方言声韵调演变的例外条例，有汉字谐声的类化、今音另有所承、中古辨义多音字今存一音、韵书漏收反切、口语日常用字保存古音、受共同语例外读音的影响、受周边方言影响、字音的避讳、感染作用、回避同音字而寻补空格、别义异读造成例外、语法层面的变音、误读等。第五章音变与变音。第一节分析方言中的语流音变，包括连读变调、变韵、同化、异化、弱化、增音、脱落和合音等。第二节主要考察分析闽中方言的两类小称变调：非入声字今读入声调、非平声字今读平声与非去声字今读去声。第六章内部差异。主要从语音方面加以考察。永安话的差异具有代表性，主要表现在ts组与tʃ组声母的分混，ŋ声母的脱落与否，ɑm、iɑm与ɐm、iɐm韵的分合等方面，体现为新派与老派的不同，影响源主要是共同语。沙县话老派古章精组今读逢细音韵母有别、新派则相混。建瓯话的新老派口音差别主要体现在：部分零声母上声iŋ韵字新读ieiŋ韵，撮口呼韵yɛ、yiŋ向合口呼韵uɛ、uiŋ转化，有较多的新读和旧读，大都能从语音演变的角度加以分析。松溪话的差别在声韵调上都有体现，石陂话则主要体现在声调上，浊音声母也在消失之中。第七章分音词。分析闽中、闽北方言分音词的特征，探讨两区方言分音词的性质与来源。通过与福州话“切脚词”、晋语“嵌l词”的比较，结论认为，闽中、闽北方言的分音词从语音结构的模式上说是一种特殊的重叠形式：前后音节叠韵、同调，后音节声母固定为响度最大的l声母，形成前暗后亮、前轻后重的“后衍回旋式”韵律特点。从词汇衍生的模式上说，它是汉语词汇双音化的一种表现形式，其形成可能与上古汉语的复辅音声母有关，由复辅音声母演变而来的那部分分音词提供了一条双音化的途径。从词义的发展模式上说，单音词与由它构成的分音词之间是一种派生关系。第八章闽北方言与闽中方言的关系。第一节主要通过例证闽语的南北之分与东西之别来考察两区方言的联系。第二节例证两区方言的差别，闽北方言还可以分为东西两小片，闽中方言还可以分为南北两小片。附录一沙县盖竹话同音字汇。报告属于闽中方言的福建省沙县盖竹话音系，主要包括声韵调系统和同音字汇，旨在提供一份较翔实的闽中方言语音材料。附录二分名词、动词、形容词、量词、拟声词和扩展形式六类列出闽中、闽北方言分音词词表。附录三汉语方言“癸”字的读音。闽北、闽中方言中，“癸”均读同“季”而与“鬼”不同音，声调显得殊异，由此进而考察了共338种汉语方言“癸”字的读音，结论认为这是为了规避“鬼”音而作的改读，是一种避讳行为。南方方言“癸≠鬼”的比例远远高于北方方言，而以粤方言为最高，显示地域特征。作者还论证了此现象与重纽无关。附录四介绍本文的材料来源与发音人简况。 [英文摘要]：     Abstract This paper studies the phonology of the dialects in northern Fujian and central parts of this province. It is divided into eight chapters plus four appendices. Chapter One. which consists of three sections, is a general introduction of the research of dialects. The first section gives the connotation and denotation of the concepts of dialects in northern and central parts of Fujian province and introduces the uses of dialects in the neighborhood. The second section in this chapter is divided up into special subjects which review the research results of the dialects of the northern and central parts of Fujian province: (1)The explanation of the geographic division of the dialect research and the relationship of these dialects with those in the periphery of this area in addition to an introduction of the related studies based on the two theories— “the Relations of Wu and Min Dialects Theory” and “the Ancient Southern Chinese Theory”. (2)The explanations of the pronunciations of the Middle Chinese (hereafter MC) voiced initials in Min dialect nowadays based on the four schemes: “Proto-Min Dialect Theory”, “Interactive Dialects Theory”, “Immigrants Convergence Theory” and “Diachronic Levels Theory”. The focus is on the different views on the phenomena of the MC voiceless initials sounding voicedly nowadays and the tone 9. (3) A survey of the pronunciations of the characters originally subjected to the MC Lai initial but read with /s/（or /ʃ/） nowadays. (4)Study of the differences of the colloquial pronunciation and literary pronunciation, and the study of the Diachronic levels. (5)The application of the documentation. (6)The Application of quantitative methods. (7)Reports, etymology inquiring and other studies. The third section focuses on the goals, significance and the methods of this study project. Chapter Two is on initials. Section One expounds the diachronic levels of the pronunciations of the MC voiced initials in Min dialect nowadays. There are three obvious diachronic levels in the pronunciations of the MC voiced initials in Min dialect nowadays: the unvoiced aspirated level, the unvoiced unaspirated level and the voiced level. We concentrate on the different pronunciations of stop and affricative initials in MC and in today’s Min dialect and conclude that the differences result from the overlapping of many phonetics levels during the evolution of Min dialect. The unvoiced aspirated level is the oldest while the voiced level youngest. The evolution is influenced by migrations in the early stage of Min dialect and also the official language of the Sui and Tang Dynasty. Moreover, we can find two kinds of evidences in the structure of the Min dialect: the voiced and unvoiced characters of the initial and the aspirated and unaspirated characters shown after the devoicing of the initial have corresponding relationships both with the divisions of tones and with the different pronunciations in colloquial layer and literal layer. Section Two: today’s pronunciation of the MC initials Fei and Zhi groups. (1)In each point ,the numbers of the characters subjected to the Fei group is read as Bang initial in modern times are different. The proportion between the MC Fei, Fu, Feng initials and Wei initial subjected to current readings with heavy-lip initials in the dialects of these two areas is different. However, when compared with the dialects in other Min destricts,  the numbers and proportions of the characters in the two areas which still retain the ancient characteristics---light-lip initials are pronounced as heavy-lip initials---are roughly the same. Those that still retain the pronunciations of heavy-lip initials are mostly the characters used in the colloquial fields, but the identification of the colloquial characters varies from place to place. In Northern Min dialect, the number of the characters having the ancient features is more than that of those used in the southern part, which reflects the relative conservatism of the former.  (2)The situation that the MC initials Zhi group are read as Duan group in the dialects resembles that of the Fei group being read as Bang group. (3)Since there are syllables with sound /m/ in Yong’an dialect, this paper explores the identification of the initial consonants and the finals in this dialect through lateral comparison and longitudinal comparison. Section Three: the modern readings of the MC Lai initial characters. There are special readings such as /n/、/t/、/s/ in the readings of the Lai initial characters in the northern and central Min dialects. (1)The phenomenon that the characters such as li ”inside”，li ”cyprinoid” are read with the initial consonants /t/ or /d/ is a kind of special phonetic changes under the condition that they have open-front final vowels followed , and it is parallel with the relative phonetic changes taken place in Hakka and Gan dialects. The macro-sounded final vowels in the Songxi, Wuyishan and Jianyang dialects and so on are developed from open-front final vowels after their initials finished the phonetic change process l>t/d. (2)The distribution of 30 characters subjected to Lai initial which are now read with /s/(or /ʃ/)  as their initial in 14 dialects in the northwestern Min are irregular. This situation is brought about over a long time of change since the Old Chinese. Lai initial characters which are read with /s/ initial are mostly read in a Yang tone, which shows that the change were started with the voiced initials, and completed a process like this : r→z→s. Section Four: The current readings of the MC initials Jing, Zhuang, Zhi, Zhang groups. (1) Particular quantitative analysis shows that the current readings of these four MC initials groups fall into two kinds: dichotomy and trisection. Northern Min dialect belongs to the dichotomy pattern, that is Zhi group are read as Duan group ,and Zhuang Zhang groups are read as Jing group. Central Min dialect belongs to the latter pattern; that is, Zhi group are read as Duan group, Zhuang group are read as Jing group, and Zhang group are stand alone. The trisection pattern is more similar to the MC initials reading structure than the dichotomy one. Though belonging to the same condition that Zhi group are read as Duan group, there are differences: in Northern Min, the characters are read with Duan group no matter which class they are subjected to, the 2nd class or 3rd class. However, in the Central Min dialect, the characters read as Duan group are mostly subjected to the 3rd class. Affected by the dialects of both Hakka and Gan, in the internal Central Min dialect, the number of the characters read with the initials /tʃ/ or /ts/ has direct relation with the combination of the initials, finals and tones. (2)The MC initials of characters Xin, Sheng, Shu, Xie, Chuan, Shan are nowadays read with affricate initials, and the　Chong initial in MC are at present read as fricative initials. These two situations are on the Minor side in the two areas; in most cases, these initial changes are directly presented as a lexical phenomenon,which may be caused by the mutation of the dialects. And this mutation can be taken place at the last period of the Old Chinese times or happened in MC times, and some may be affected by the common language and variations were brought about quite late. (3)In the dialects in Jianyang ,Wuyishan etc, the MC initials Tou, Che and Ding, Cheng are currently read as /h/. This change can be traced back to the sound change (*d >)tʰ>h. The MC initials Qing and Cong are now read as /tʰ/, and this change originated from the evolution (*dz >)tsʰ>tʰ. The MC initials Chu, Chang, Xin and Chong have gone through a similar evolution. The phonetic change of Tou initial and so on led to the change of the Qing initial and thus formed a chain shift. The process of changes are related with the influence of Gan dialect, but the root of changes is the same as the analogous phonetic change to the Min dialect in Hainan province and the Gan dialect. They are all influenced by the Kam-Dai languages. It is a substratum phenomenon. Part of the characters with MC Ban, Bing initials are read nowadays as /h/. This change resulted from the evolution process (*b >)pʰ>h, which is analogized by the variation tʰ>h. (4) Part of the MC Shan initial characters with even tone are presently read aspiratedly. This is influenced by the Mandarin. However, we cannot come to a conclusion that the level of Yangping tone Jia, with the first tune and aspiration falls into the Mandarin. ri “sun” sounded as /mi⁸/ in Jian’ou dialect shows that the initial may originate from the Old Chinese consonant *mj-. Section Five: MC initials Jian group’s current readings. Jian groups brought about 3 kinds of evolutions and substitutions: k→ɡ、k→ɦ→ø、k→x/h in the dialects used in the two areas. That characters subjected to the Yi initial are now pronounced with /l/ as their initial represents the gradual change from Yi initials to Ni initial; Characters with the Xiao initial have a current reading of the Xi initial, and this resulted from the polarization from the Xiao initial *qh in Old Chinese. That characters with MC Xia initial are currently read with/k/ or /ɡ/ initials reflects the features in the Old Chinese times that the Xia initial were subjected to the Qun initial. That Ying initial Characters are now read with affricate initials can provide the evidence to prove that the Ying initial were in the Old Chinese read as *q- instead. That MC Yun initial characters are at present pronounced as /x/ or /h/reflects the phonetic characteristics of the dynasties of Wei and Jin that the 3rd class of Yu initial belongs to Xia initial. Yi initial characters are now read with affricate and fricative consonants, and this can be traced back to the phonetic series relation between Yi initial and Xie initial in the Old Chinese. Chapter Three Tones: With regard to dialects, we try to trace its MC sources. As for the four tones of MC, we try to survey their evolution in the dialects. This chapter analyzes the interaction between the initials and the tones in the dialects in detail. The use of the quantitative method in the analysis shows clearly the mainstreams and the tributaries, rules and exceptions in the development of the tones. Chapter Four Finals: Section One takes MC Guo, Jia, Yu, Xiao, Liu groups and so on as example, and arranges ,displays and compares in table forms the situation of the finals read nowadays in the dialects with what they pronounced in MC. In order to deter Mine the diachronic levels, this chapter uses the lateral comparisons between dialects and longitudinal comparison between the pronunciation of the MC and the Old Chinese times. Section Two inspects on the /ɿ/ final characters in the Central Min dialect. The pronunciations of /ɿ/ final characters in the Central Min dialect vary in two ways as those are lead by two kinds of initials in the Northern Min dialect. They reflect the situation at the same level of literary pronunciation. Essentially ,it is the unifying of the MC initials of Jing, Zhuang, Zhang groups as /ts/, /tsʰ/, /s/，the finals of the dialects in the Central Min dialect unified, however, the differences of them are remained in the dialects used in the northern Min. The other dialects in Min mostly belong to the latter one, and can be divided in to four board categories and twelve narrow ones. Characters belonged to the MC Zhi initial group now are read as /ts/, /tsʰ/, /s/ belongs to the latest literary level. The pronunciation of the character cu “vinegar” in Yong’an dialect is implanted from the Gan dialect. But the final /ɿ/ in the Central Min dialect was affected originally mainly by common language,Hakka and Gan dialects are conducive elements. Section Three summarizes the exceptional conditions of the development of the initials, finals and tones in the dialects, including the apperception of the phonetic series of Chinese characters, pronunciation nowadays sustained by some other factors ,meaning-discriMinating and multi-sound characters in MC possessing anther pronunciation nowadays, the omitted Fanqie in rhyme books, the MC pronunciations retained of the daily used characters in oral speech, being affected by exceptional pronunciation in common language, being affected by periphery dialects, pronunciation taboos, infection effect, evading the same pronounced characters and seeking blanks, alternative meanings with different pronunciations bringing about exceptions, sound changes on the grammatical levels, misreading and so on. Chapter Five rules of sandhi and diminutive: Section One analyzing the sound change in the speech in dialects, containing tone sandhi, changing rhymes, assimilation and dissimilation, weakening, epenthesis, eclipsis and unifying and so on. Section Two mainly inspects and analyzes two kinds of diminutive sandhi in the Central Min dialect: non-entering tone characters being read with an entering-tone, non-even tone characters now being read with a even tone and non-departing tone characters now being read with a departing one.   Chapter Six internal differences: Mainly from the phonetic factor does the survey starts. The differences in Yong’an dialect is typical, and they primarily are shown at the aspect of the discrimination and the identification of the initials /ts/ and /tʃ/, whether the initial /ŋ/ eclipses or not, the separation and identification of the finals /ɑm/、/iɑm/ and /ɐm/、/iɐm/, and such things are presented by the differences between the young and the old. The affecting sources is principally the common language. In the pronunciation on Shaxian dialect of the old, the MC initials Zhang and Jing groups was read out with different initials when coMing cross open-front vowels, but the young treat them as the same. The distinction between the young and old in Jian’ou dialect are mostly presented as: part of zero initial characters with rising tone and /iŋ/ are newly read as /ieiŋ/, the Cuo-Kou-Hu finals /yɛ/ and /yiŋ/ are turning into the finals in He-Kou-Hu /uɛ/ and /uiŋ/.There are many newly pronunciations and old ones, however, they can be mostly analyzed from the sound change. Differences lied in dialect in Songxi are extensive, and involves three parts: initials, finals and tones. Differences in Shibei dialect are mainly shown in the part of the tones, and the voiced initials are disappearing. Chapter Seven on the origin of the sound-divided-words in the Central Min dialect and the Northern Min dialect: Comparing with the qiejiaoci in Fuzhou dialect and the inserted-/l/-words in Jin dialects, this chapter argues that the sound-divided-words in the Central Min dialect and the Northern Min dialect is essentially a special type of reduplication. The finals and tones reduplicates, the initial of the latter syllable sticks to /l/ whose loudness is the highest, the sound-divided-words gets its syllabic characteristic that the latter syllable of a sound-divided-word always takes the primary stress. It’s one of the forms of the disyllablization in Chinese, relating to the consonant clusters of the Old Chinese. Chapter Eight deals with the relations between Northern Min dialect and Central Min dialect. Section One surveys the relationship between the dialects in these two areas in the frame of the regional differences of Min dialect which is divided into two contrasting groups -- the north dialects in contrast to the south dialects and The east dialects in contrast to the west dialects. This division is in turn illustrated with examples. Section Two illustrates the differences between the dialects of the two areas, and subdivides the North Min dialect area into two parts as the northeastern dialect area and the northwestern area, and the Central Min dialect area into two parts as the north one and south one. Appendix One provides the homophony syllabary of Gaizhu Dialect in Shaxian. This report is subjected into the phonetic system of Gaizhu Dialect in Shaxian, Fujian Province . The appendix mainly contains the system constructed by initials ,finals and tones, and the homophony syllabary, targeting at providing full and accurate references of  the phonology in the Central Min dialect. Appendix Two is a list of the sound-divided-words in six categories: nouns, verbs, adjectives, quantifiers, onomatopoeias and other expanded forms. Appendix Three: the pronunciations of the character gui (癸) in Chinese dialects. gui (癸) is all read as the character ji(“season”, 季) in the northern and Central Min dialects; thus making its pronunciation different from the character gui(“ghost”, 鬼), particularly different in tone . Based on an further survey of the pronunciations of the character gui (癸) in up to 338 unique dialects in China, we can come to an conclusion that the variety of pronunciations of character gui(癸)results from the avoiding of the sound of gui(“ghost”, 鬼).Therefore, the change of the pronunciation of the character is an evading action. In southern dialects, the phenomenon that “gui (癸) ≠gui(“ghost”, 鬼) ” is far more common than in the Northern dialect. Since the phenomenon is so obvious in Yue dialect that it becomes the regional representative characteristics. This paper also proves that this phenomenon has nothing to do with MC Chongniu. Appendix Four provides the information sources which this paper refers to and the profiles of the informants.